Skip to main content

History on Easter Sunday and Padari Ganga Prasad Pradhan


By Seira Tamang

As noted by various scholars, Hinduism, the Nepali language, the monarchy and a rastriya itihas (a chronicle of progress in which the dark era of Rana rule is contrasted with the enlightened, progressive and modern period of Panchayat rule) formed the core of the Panchayat regime’s national culture. The formation and consolidation of this national culture have required the expunging of uncomfortable facts and stories that might raise ambiguities and questions.

While the selection of what and who is and is not acknowledged to exist (or at least exist in historically important ways) in official Nepali history is complex, social scientists have begun to provide more comprehensive historical accounts of the past through oral histories and re-readings of historical documents. Such accounts reveal how ordinary people lived in the past, and offer ways to think through how ‘history’ is crafted, shaped and managed in order to reflect ‘the reality’ best suited to the status quo, and to legitimating a certain social order.

Padari Ganga Prasad Pradhan ko Jiwan Bakhan (A biography of Reverend Ganga Prasad Pradhan, 1851-1932) by Solon Karthak is important when viewed through the lens of revisiting Nepali history. Based on oral history, and on the re-examination of written forms and additional research, this biography offers insight into the life of an ordinary man who, despite his extraordinary achievements in the field of Nepali language and literature, has been side-lined or portrayed in a negative light. 

In tracing the life of a man who was a pioneer in many senses, Karthak provides a different angle to dominant accounts, examining Pradhan’s use of language and his devout Christian faith-the two main focus points for Pradhan’s critics. Karthak also portrays Pradhan as undoubtedly patriotic. Two examples of his patriotism come from his work to standardize the Nepali language, and his willingness to uproot his family from Darjeeling and endure weeks of hardship travelling back to Nepal in order to contribute to his native country’s development-only to be denied permission to stay in Nepal by Chandra Shamsher Rana, on the grounds of Pradhan’s Christianity.

Thus Padari Ganga Prasad Pradhan raises questions as to why, as literary historian Kumar Pradhan has noted, Pradhan is ‘much ignored by the historians of Nepali literature.’ After reading this book, it is hard to think of any reason, other than his being a Christian. Clearly, as a staunch Christian, Pradhan’s presence would sit uneasily in hegemonic renditions of Nepal’s national culture-an uncomfortable reality that has needed to be ignored or down-played. Karthak’s work asserts the need to revisit Nepali history with a more complicated and fuller view onto the past.

The first part of his book traces Pradhan’s birth in Thamel, his father’s move to Darjeeling while he was still young, his late education, conversion to Christianity, and foiled attempt to return permanently to Nepal, as well as his pioneering work in the realm of language. These works include the publication of a monthly newspaper called Gorke Khabar Kagat (which preceded the publication of Gorkhapatra in Nepal) from his own Gorkha Press in Darjeeling. Pradhan also wrote Nepali textbooks, and translated the bible into Nepali. The importance of this translation is put into perspective by L.B. Rai in the appendix: ‘Bhanubhaka found fame after translating the Ramayan, but when Ganga Prasad translated the bible, he was labeled as preaching Christianity.’

The latter part of Padari Ganga Prasad Pradhan consists of examples of Pradhan’s writing. Given his contribution to Nepali language, and given the fact that his language is a key discussion point for critics, Karthak thought it important for readers to read his writing for themselves. This decision needs to be understood in light of the criticism made by critics such as Parasmani Pradhan, who have faulted Pradhan’s lack of consistent and coherent use of grammar. However, as Kumar Pradhan noted in his book, History of Nepali Literature, at the time that Pradhan wrote, there were no authoritative grammar books. Furthermore, as B.K. Pradhan’s piece in the appendix reiterates, Pradhan sought to write in the language spoken in daily life by the common people.

Parasmani Pradhan’s criticism of Gorke Khabar Kagat’s Christian agenda is well known within literary circles. Less recognized is the critic’s praise of Pradhan’s faith—in the face of outright discrimination and disowning by his own family—to cling so determinedly to his beliefs. Such tidbits, along with the section on Pradhan’s conversion and his epic journey (eventually to Goa) to be baptized, are some of the most interesting parts of the book. Karthak’s work makes it clear that Christian faith and patriotic work for the upliftment of that which is Nepali are not contradictory: one can be both Nepali and Christian in the fullest and most productive senses.

Providing much fodder for a rethinking of mainstream accounts of the lives and conversions of Nepali Christians, and a questioning of the manner in which certain people in the past may have been made obscure in ‘history’ because of the reality of their lived lives (in this case, Pradhan’s Christian faith), Karthak’s book is an important read. As we think about the future of democratic Nepal and how far the national consciousness can open up and provide space for janajati, dalit, feminist and other Nepali cultures, this Easter Sunday may prove an opportune time to start rethinking how Nepali Christians are to be situated within Nepal’s past and present. (S. Tamang is a member of Martin Chautari)

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

JANHA BAGCHA TEESTA RANGIT

This was a national song of Sikkim sung in the Nepali language during the monarchy system. During the merger with India, the song got banned and later re-released. Two words on the 8th para, which earlier said 'Rajah rah Rani,' were replaced with "Janmah bhumi."     This song was dedicated to the King and Queen of Sikkim. The song lyrics were penned by Sanu Lama, and the music was composed by Dushyant Lama.  The song was first sung on the birth anniversary of Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal on April 4, 1970, at Gangtok by Aruna Lama, Dawa Lama, and Manikamal Chettri.    JANHA BAGCHA TEESTA RANGIT,  JAHAN KANCHENDZONGA SEER   YEHI HO HAMRO DHANA KO DESH,  TAPAWAN HO PYARO SIKKIM     INTERLUDE     PHULCHAN YEHA AANGANAI MAA,  CHAAP , GURAS, SUNAKHARI   SWARGASARI SUNDAR DESH KO  HAMRO PYARO PYARO JANMAHBHUMI     JANHA BAGCHA……     BATASHLE BOKCHAA YAHA,  TATHAGAT KO AAMAR WAANI ...

CLARITY ON CITIZENSHIP (Indian of Sikkimese Origin)

from Sikkim Online CLARITY ON CITIZENSHIP Indian of Sikkimese Origin On 26th April 1975, Sikkim was appointed as 22nd state of India. On that day, Sikkim Citizens, Subject holder (Sikkimese) became Indian Citizen according to “Sikkim (Citizenship) Order, 1975” which says “Every person who immediately before the 26th day of April, 1975 was a Sikkim Subject under the Sikkim Subject Regulation 1961, shall be deemed to have become a citizen of India on that day”. As the Indian Constitution does not provide dual citizenship and there exist only citizenship for the whole of country, therefore, the regulation which provided Sikkim Citizenship (Subjects) commonly known as “Sikkim Subject Regulation Act, 1961” was repealed on 13th Sep 1975 according to “Adaptation of Sikkim Laws (No.1) Order” power conferred by clause (l) of Article 371-F of the Constitution which took effect from 26th April 1975 (appointed day). A million dollar question arises here. Who were Sikkim...

The last Chogyal (King) of Sikkim

BY SHITAL PRADHAN I was not born when Sikkim became the 22nd state of the Indian Union, and the only information I have about the political identity of my Sikkim comes from literary knowledge and conversations with elderly people. I personally believe that no nation can develop unless its history, culture, and heritage are preserved. Sikkim, though now part of India, bears the responsibility of every Sikkimese to safeguard its past glory. Interestingly, a few days ago, my college-going nephew surprised me when he mentioned that a man named STNM could be the last Chogyal, while one of my colleagues added that TNA and TNSSS also bear the name of the last Chogyal. Well, is this the future of Sikkim? If we cannot enable the younger generation to connect with the facts and authenticity of Sikkim, the state will surely lose its vivacious historical pages. Twenty-five long years have passed since the passing away of the last Chogyal of Sikkim, Late Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal. Apart fr...